Tanzania cannot be allowed to be the new front for terrorists

By Abdulrahman Kinana

 

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In 2013 two British volunteer teachers, Katie Gee and Kirstie Trup – both at the time teenagers – suffered a horrific attack while in Zanzibar, part of Tanzania in East Africa, when two men on motorbikes threw sulphuric acid in their faces. Flown back to London, surgeons removed from Katie Gee, the worst affected of the two, burnt skin from 30 per cent of her body. One year later, she was still required to wear a plastic mask to reduce the scarring covering her face. 
Assisted by investigators from the British police at New Scotland Yard and Interpol, the Tanzanian authorities later arrested for the crime members of Uamsho or “Awakening”, an Islamic terrorist group with known links to Boko Haram. They have now been charged in court. Uamsho has a history of targeting foreigners and even Muslim and Christian religious leaders who do not support their aim of tearing apart the union of Tanzania through terrorism and converting Zanzibar into an extremist state.

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Even after the attacks on Gee and Trup, who were only in Zanzibar to help and others who have meant no harm to anyone, as we learnt in the first few weeks of election campaigns in Tanzania, Edward Lowassa, an opposition candidate, has clear sympathies to the aims of these extremists. For some years the status of Zanzibar within the United Republic of Tanzania has been an important question for the people of that island. A tiny minority advocates separation from the mainland with which it was united in the same year it overthrew the Arab regime. There is nothing wrong in holding perfectly legitimate political debates so long as they are pursued through peaceful, democratic means. But the question is, how long it would be possible for such discussion to remain peaceful if the opposition were to succeed in the upcoming Tanzanian General Election? Lowassa, who, after only 18 months as Prime Minister, was forced by the Parliament to resign from the post after a corruption scandal has promised the release of those who committed the acid attack. Allowing the suspected terrorists to walk free and, without doubt, resume their violent campaign would threaten the safety of ordinary Zanzibarians, mainland Tanzanians – most of whom are moderate whether they follow Islam or Christianity – and foreign visitors, many of whom hail from the UK.
Lowassa is proposing this purely as part of his breathtakingly cynical bid for the presidency. Rejected by voters in his attempt to win the nomination to be the candidate for the governing Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party he immediately decamped to the opposition to become theirs. Moderate opposition leaders, including Professor Ibrahim Lipumba, the chairman of the predominantly Zanzibarian Civic United Front have resigned, in protest, to support the government. We can only assume that Lowassa’s outreach to these extremists was a desperate response to the fact the majority of Zanzibarians in that long-standing stronghold for the opposition have been refusing to support his presidential bid.
It is hardly surprising they do not. This move has angered many Christian bishops who had called for government to swiftly prosecute extremists who are widely believed to have burnt churches and targeted Christians with violence, including acid attacks. It is clear that Lowassa’s interests do not lie with helping the people of Tanzania, but by helping himself to power, and the spoils he believes await him there. After all, the character of Lowassa is well known not just to Tanzanians but also to the West.  Wikileaks revealed through one of many U.S. diplomatic cables that concern Lowassa exactly what the Americans think about him, when then U.S. Ambassador Mark Green stated: “Lowassa's corrupt activities have been an open secret throughout Tanzania for many years.”
Neither Tanzania nor the West can afford to have Tanzania as the new frontier of terrorism in Africa through Lowassa’s actions. Despite the terrifying attacks they have conducted over the years, they have not yet demonstrated they have the strength of other jihadist groups such as Al-Shabaab or Boko Haram. Indeed, by comparison, Tanzania has been mercifully peaceful and safe from the violence committed against our neighbours such as Kenya.
While who governs Tanzania is only a question the citizens of my country have the right to answer, it is right that Britain and its allies in the struggle against Islamic terrorism should be extremely concerned were Lowassa to win and action his promise to the extremists. When Al-Shabaab attacked Westgate Mall in Nairobi in 2013, the UK and US government issued travel advisories to its citizens against visiting many parts of Kenya. This has seriously affected their crucial tourism industry: it is without doubt that a revival of terror in Zanzibar would devastate the tourism industry of Tanzania and, in particular, that of Zanzibar on which the island is heavily dependent.
So the choice facing Tanzania at this coming election has ramifications both at home but also far beyond our own borders. If Lowassa and his opposition supporters win, a slim possibility as things stand today, then the country stands to become a new front for terrorists, just at the very time when they are facing defeat in other countries across Africa. 
Kinana has served as the first Speaker of the East African Legislative Assembly, and Deputy Defence and Deputy Foreign Minister of Tanzania. He now serves as Secretary-General for the governing CCM party. 

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Injili ya Barnaba

           Ni kitabu ambacho wakristo wengi hawajapata kukisikia au kukiona.

           Ni kitabu chenye sura 222, ambacho kilionekana kwa mara ya kwanza mwaka 1709 nchini Uholanzi, na mwaka 1738, Kilipelekwa Vienna Austria kwenye maktaba kuu ambako kimehifadhiwa mpaka leo.

          Kimeandikwa kwa lugha ya Kiitaliano sehemu za chini ya kurasa zake yameandikwa maneno kadha wa kadha kwa kiarabu.

Mwaka 1907 ilitolewa tafsiri ya kitabu kizima kwa lugha ya kiarabu kufuatia rai ya Seyyid Muhammad Rashid Ridha. Aliyetafsiri ni Dk Khalid sa’adah.

         Pia kimetafsiriwa katika lugha nyingine tofauti tofauti ikiwa pamoja na kiingereza.

         Upo utatanishi mkubwa kuhusu mtu aliyekiandika  kitabu hicho, upande ukidai mwandishi ni Barnaba yule kutoka Kipro (Cyprus) ambayo Luka aliandika habari zake akimwita Mtume, Nabii tena Mwalimu mtu mwema aliyejaa Roho Mtakatifu na imani (Matendo 14:4,14, 13:1 na 11:24). Inadaiwa kitabu hiki kiliibwa na mtawa mmoja aliyeitwa Fra Marino kutoka Vatican wakati wa Papa Sixtus (1589-1590) na kwamba awali kilitambulika kama injili harisi na kilitumika katika makanisa ya Alexandria hadi mwaka wa 325 baada ya Masihi. Kwa upande mwingine imeelezwa kwamba kwa vile katika sehemu zote zilizonukuu Torati katika kitabu hicho yametumiwa maneno yafananayo kabisa na yale yaliyotumika katika Biblia tafsiri ya Vulgata iliyoandikwa mwaka 380 baada ya Masihi, ni dhahiri mwandishi wake sio Barnaba. Pia umefanywa uchunguzi wa kisayansi juu ya karatasi ya mwandiko wa kitabu hicho na imethibitishwa kwamba kiliandikwa baada ya mwaka 1500. Inaaminika mwandishi wa kitabu hicho ni Mhispania mmoja aliyeitwa Mustafa.

         Tokea mwaka 1907 kilipotafsiriwa kitabu hicho katika lugha ya Kiarabu baadhi ya watu wamekuwa wakizungumzia na kudai kuwa kitabu hicho ndiyo inili pekee yake iliyo sahihi. Kukubaliwa na injili hiyo ya Barnaba bila shaka kunahusiana na kutajwa kwa Ismail katika sura ya 44 kuwa ndiye aliyekaribia katika kutolewa sadaka na babaye Ibrahimu, na siyo Isaka kama isemmavyo Biblia.

          Kivutio kingine katika kitabu hicho ni sura ya 212 inayoonesha Yesu akihofia kubadilishwa kwa injili, na sura ya 222 inayozungumzia watu iwaitao waovu walioeneza habari za kufa kwa Yesu Msalabani na kusema alikuwa mwana wa Mungu. Katika sura hiyo anatajwa Paulo kuwa ndiye aliyepotosha ukweli.

          Ubatili wa injili ya Barnaba unaonekana ndani ya kitabu hicho hicho kimehitilafiana sana na vitabu vilivyoandikwa na wanafunzi wa Yesu kama vile Mathayo, Yohana, Petro, Yakobo na Yuda. Imeeleza kwa mfano katika sura katika sura ya kwanza ya kitabu hicho kwamba Barnaba alikuwa mmoja wa wanafunzi wa Yesu. Lakini Barnaba ni mtu aliyefahamika kwa undani kwamba alikuwa binamu wa Marko, na kwamba aliingia katika ufuasi wa Yesu baada ya Pentecoste, ambayo ilikuwa ni siku ya hamsini baada ya kufufuka kwa Yesu. Barnaba hakuwa mwanafunzi wa Yesu. Hata jina la Barnaba alipewa na Petro na wenzake likiwa na maana ya “Mwana wa faraja” (Matendo 4:36, 37) Kabla ya hapo alifahamika kwa jina la Yusuph.

         Kuhitilafiana kwingine kwa injili ya Barnaba na vitabu vya Mathayo, Marko, Luka na Yohana ni katika maelezo ya sura ya 92, yesemayo Barnaba akiwa pamoja na Yesu waliamriwa na Malaika Mtakatifu waende kwenye mlima Sinai na kukaa huko siku arobaini.

Lakini inafahamika kwamba tokea alipowachagua wanafunzi wakae hadi alipopaa Yesu alikuwa ndani ya nchi ya Parestina tu, sio nje ya hapo (Mlima Sinai upo nchini Misri).

         Kutokufahamika huko kwa Jiografia ya Palestina na mwandishi wa kitabu cha injili  ya Barnaba kunajidhihilisha zaidi katika sura ya 20 inavyoeleza jinsi Barnaba alivyosafiri na Yesu katika mashua kwenye bahari ya Galilaya hadi kwenye mji wa Nazareti. Hili ni jambo lisilowezekana, Nazaleti iko  Kilometa zaidi ya 60 kuyoka bahari ya Galilaya. Pia katika sura ya 63 mji wa Ninawi ulioko Al Kishr kwenye mto wa Tigris umeelezewa kuwa ukingoni mwa bahari ya kati ( Mediteranea).

         Jambo linguine linalochanganya ni kuhusu majira. Sura ya 92:10 inaonyesha Yesu aliishi wakati mmoja na Muhammad, na kwamba Yesualifurahi alipomuona Muhammad akasema “ijapokuwa mimi sistahili kufungua gidamu za viatu (vya Muhammad), lakini nmepata rehema na rehema”. Pia ubatili wa injili ya Barnaba inajionysha sura ya 51:4-20  ambapo Mwenyezi Mungu ameelezewa jinsi alivyofanya maelewano mazuri kabisa na ibilisi.

          Ni wazi kabisa yeyote  asemaye injili ya Barnaba ndiyo sahihi hajasoma kitabu hicho.

Orodha ya Waafrika waliowahi kushinda Tuzo ya Amani ya Nobel

1960 Raia wa Afrika Kusini Albert Luthuli, aliyekuwa kiongozi wa chama cha African National Congress: "Kamati ya Nobel Committee kwa mara ya pili iliteua mshindi kutoka miongoni mwa watu waliokuwa wakihangaishwa na watawala "

1978 Rais wa Misri Anwar al-Sadat alipewa tuzo kwa pamoja na Waziri Mkuu wa Israel Menachem Begin: "Baada ya kufanikisha mkataba wa Amani kati ya mataifa hayo mawili "

1984 Desmond Tutu wa Afrika Kusini, aliyekuwa katibu mkuu wa Baraza la Makanisa ya Afrika Kusini, ambaye sasa ni Askofu Mstaafu wa Cape Town: "Kamati imetambua umuhimu wa jukumu la Desmond Tutu katika kuunganisha wananchi katika kampeni ya kutatua mzozo kuhusu ubaguzi wa rangi Afrika Kusini"

1993 Kiongozi wa vita dhidi ya ubaguzi wa rangi Afrika Kusini Nelson Mandela, aliyeibuka baadaye kuwa rais wa kwanza aliyechaguliwa kidemokrasia nchini humo, alituzwa kwa pamoja na rais wa mwisho wa enzi ya ubaguzi wa rangi FW de Klerk: "Kwa kazi yao katika kufikisha kikomo kwa amani kwa utawala wa ubaguzi wa langu, na kuweka msingi wa utawala wa demokrasia Afrika Kusini "

2001 Raia wa Ghana Kofi Annan, aliyekuwa katibu mkuu wa UN, alituzwa pamoja na Umoja huo wa Mataifa: "Kwa kazi yao katika kuhakikisha kuwepo kwa ulimwengu wenye mpangilio zaidi na amani "

2004 Mkenya Wangari Maathai, mtetezi wa mazingira na mwanzilishi wa shirika la Green Belt Movement: "Kwa mchango wake kwa maendeleo endelevu, demokrasia na amani "

Wangari Maathai alifariki Septemba 25, 2011

2005 Mmisri Mohamed El Baradei, mkuu wa shirika la UN kuhusu kawi ya nyuklia, alituzwa pamoja na Shirika la Kimataifa la Kawi ya Atomiki (IAEA): "Kwa juhudi zao katika kuzuia kawi ya nyuklia kutumiwa kwa madhumuni ya kijeshi na kuhakikisha kawi ya nyuklia inatumiwa kwa madhumuni mema na kwa njia salama "

2011 Rais wa Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf na mwanaharakati wa amani Leymah Gbowee, walituzwa pamoja na Tawakkol Karman kutoka Yemen: "Kwa harakati zao zisizo za kutumia nguvu kutetea usalama wa wanawake na haki kamili za wanawake kushiriki katika kuendeleza amani "

2015 Kundi la National Dialogue Quartet nchini Tunisia, kundi la mashirika ya kijamii: "Kwa mchango wake katika kukuza demokrasia nchini Tunisia baada ya mapinduzi ya Jasmine ya 2011 (yaliyopelekea kung’olewa madarakani kwa Rais Ben Ali."

IBADA YA HIJA

1.        Kuzuru msikiti  wa Mtume au kuweko Makka kufanya Umrah (kwa wanafanya Hajjut- Tamattu’u) na kuendelea kuswali hapo Masjidul- Haraam.

               

Madina

      Kuswali Masjidun- Nabawiy (Msikiti wa Mfalme) na wanaume kuzuru kaburi la Mtume

                 Makka

     Kufanya Twawwaaf kuzunguka kaaba mara 7 kuswali mara 2 Maqaam Ibrahim Sayi

Swafaa na Marwah

    Kuanzia kilima cha Swafaa kwenda kilima cha Marwah mara saba. Wakimaliza Umrah watabakia Makka na kuswali katika Masjidul- Haraam

Mina

    Asubuhi wanaondoka Makka kuelekea Mina

Siku ya Arafah

         Wanaondoka katika mina asubuhi kuelekea Alafah na kubali hadi jua linapozama. Ni siku ya kutekeleza faradhi kubwa miongoni mwa taratibu za hija. Siku ya kuomba dua sana. Na ndivyo siku aliyosimama Mtume Muhammad (S,W) katika milima ya Arafah na kutoa hotuba yake ya mwisho.

          Hapa wataswali swala ya Adhuhuri na Alasiri janian wa Qwaswran (kujumuisha na kufupisha rakaa mbilimbili) watasiliza hotuba (watakaukuwa karibu na Masjidun- Namirah). Wasiokuwepo huko siku hiyo watafunga Swawm ya Arafah. Jua likizama wanaelekea Muzdalifah.

Muzdalifah- Mina- Makka

         Watafika Muzdalifah usiku na wataswali magharibi na Ishaa  ‘Jam’an kwa Quaswran ( kujumuisha na kufupisha Rakaa talu magharibi kawaida na kufupisha Rakaa mbili Ishaa) Watabaki Muzdalifa usiku mzima kwa kumkumbuka Mwenyezi Mungu na kuokota vijiwe vya kurusha katika Jamaraat.

        Asubuhi- Yawmun- Nahr (siku ya kuchinja). Kwa mahujaji, na kwa wasiokuwepo huko ni siku ya iyd wataelekea kutekeleza vitendo vifuatavyo vya faradhi za Hija.

Kurusha vijiwe katika Jamraat, kutufu Twaaful – Ifaadh, kunyoa nywele na kuchinja ( vyovyote watakavyotanguliza katika vitendo hivi inajuzu) kurusha mawe katika Jamaraat.

Ayyaamut – Tashriya

     (Siku ya kwanza na ya pili ya Thashriya) Watarudi Mina na kwaajili ya kurusha mawe katika Jamaraat.                                    Ni siku ya kula na kunywa na kumkumbuka Mwenyezi Mungu.

Siku ya mwisho ya Tashriya

     Wanaopenda kubakia Mina watabakia kisha watarudi Makka na ikiwa safari imewadia watafanya Twawwaaful – Wida-a (Twawwaaf ya kuaga).

Kingumge ajiondoa CCM

Mwanachama na kiongozi wa miaka mingi katika chama tawala cha Tanzania - CCM - Mzee Kingunge Ngombale-Mwiru ametangaza kujitoa katika chama hicho kwa malalamiko kuwa hakifuati katiba.
Alitangaza hatua hiyo mjini Dar es salaam katika mkutano na waandishi wa habari akisema kuwa wakati huu wa utaratibu wa uchaguzi CCM imekiuka vibaya katiba yake.
Mzee Ngombale-Mwiru alionyesha wazi kumwunga mkono waziri mkuu wa zamani Edward Lowassa katika juhudi zake za kuwania ugombea urais kupitia chama cha CCM.
Baada ya kung'olewa katika ugombea Lowassa aliondoka CCM na kujiunga na chama cha upinzani cha Chadema ambacho kilimpitisha kama mgombea urais na kukubaliwa na muungano wa vyama vya upinzani kuwa mgombea urais wa muungano wa Ukawa.
Tangu wakati huo Mzee Ngombale-Mwiru amekuwa wazi kulalamikia utaratibu uliotumiwa katika kupata mgombea wa CCM, akisema tangu mwaka 1995 utaratibu wa chama ulikuwa kuwaita wagombea wote na kuwahoji, lakini hilo halikufanyika mwaka huu.
Kwa miaka mingi ya utawala wa CCM Ngombale-Mwiru amekuwa kiongozi wa sera katika chama hicho. Alikuwa mtu wa karibu sana na mwasisi wa taifa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere katika uongozi wa chama cha CCM.
Katika mkutano wake na waandishi Ngombale-Mwiru alikiri kuwa uamuzi wake utawasumbua makada wenzake, wazee na vijana lakini alisema huu ni wakati wa mabadiliko.
Chama cha CCM hakijatoa tamko lolote kuhusu kuondoka kwa kiongozi huyo mkongwe.